OUTTARA LOYALISTS INVOLVED IN EXTRAJUDICIAL KILLINGS

Ouattara loyalists involved in extrajudicial killings, UN says

Reuters/Luc Gnago

By RFI

There have been 26 extrajudicial killings in Côte d'Ivoire over the past four weeks, the UN said Thursday, adding that most were committed by supporters of President Alassane Ouattara.

The killings were reported between 11 July and 10 August, the rights representative for the UN’s Côte d'Ivoire mission, Guillaume Ngefa, said at a press conference.
The UN mission's report also said that there have been 85 cases of arbitrary arrest and illegal detention.
Most of those implicated in the killings belong to the Republican Forces of Côte d'Ivoire (FRCI), Ngefa said.
The 26 people killed in the past month included a 17-month-old child and were shot dead in the western village of Duékoué and central-western Daloa areas, populated by supporters of Gbagbo, Ngefa said.
Eight communal graves had also been discovered near the economic capital Abidjan, he said, without giving details.
The FRCI helped Ouattara to take power in May after ex-president Laurent Gbagbo's residence was bombarded by french and UN helicopters

FRENCH JOURNALIST SAID: FRANCE PREPARED WAR BEFORE THE FIRST ROUND

2010 presidential election in Cote d'Ivoire: the post-election war was prepared before the first roundSource: The New Courier: Last Updated: 26.02.2012 (Author: Other)
The book "War Abobo" of French journalist Leslie Varenne lifts the veil on preparations for the post-election war, well before the elections. And describes the dealings with France, the United States and the UN, held jointly responsible for a bloodbath predictable. The formula, as reproduced in length BY AFP, dispatches to ensure that its premise enters the forceps in everyone's head, is known. Ivorian post-election war would be "born of the refusal of Laurent Gbagbo to concede defeat in the presidential election of November 2010." It was already known that the speculation made in July 2010 by Armajaro, firm close to Alassane Ouattara, who had already bought the Ivorian cocoa mass before the war of September 19, 2002, building obviously depending on higher prices related to the conflict, tended to prove that this war was carefully prepared before the election. And would have occurred anyway, regardless of the results and any differences between the candidates. The book "War Abobo - Ivory Coast, playground of France and the UN" of French journalist Leslie Varenne brilliantly confirms this thesis.
Leslie Varenne reported official contacts between France and Ibrahim Coulibaly said "IB" before the election. "Relatives said before the first round of the election, IB met François Hurtut, Ambassador of France in Accra, Ghana. On the menu for the informal discussion, projects of IB and the possibility of aid from France "(p. 108). The journalist had written a few pages before (p. 97): "I would know later history of this group who fights under the banner of Commando invisible, by meeting some of its elements. As the barons of the party of President Bedie, this commando was convinced that the election would go wrong. Before the first round, he managed to bring in two cases of small  Kalashnikov in ANYAMA, 500 mesh and some radio communication equipment. The material was well hidden, but Philippe Mangou got wind of the case (...) Several members of this group consists of small groups scattered in some districts of Abidjan, but they are numerous in Abobo " . Leslie Varenne evokes connections, before the second ballot, between IB and dignitaries of the PDCI, who believe it would take a bloodbath to draw international allies of Ouattra's party against Gbagbo  ...

France and UNOCI, involved in the attack of the issuer of Abobo and Anonkoua KoutéLeslie Varenne said that France was involved in the destruction of the issuer of the RTI in Abobo, during which civilians were burned alive, and cites the names of two men responsible for liaising between the "Commando invisible" and the regime Ouattara. Gen. Abdoulaye Coulibaly Adama and Colonel Dosso, assassinated March 12, 2011 (p.100). Revelations that undermine the thesis of the tactics of independence of "commando invisible", which thesis is intended to create a shield of impunity around Alassane Ouattara. The companions of IB even say that UNOCI has covered the attack on the village of Anonkoua Kouté, even if they use the cover as the fighting which was nothing but a trip deadly night to oblige Ebrie to leave their villages ...The book "War Abobo" is unforgiving for France, the United States and the UN. And shows that the war option was quickly chosen by the great powers to impose Ouattara, despite the facade of negotiations. "According to several sources within UNOCI, between the end of December 2010 and early January 2011, fifty French instructors and an American general met in the hotel Sebroko. The General arrives in a big sedan with tinted windows, decorated with the American flag, accompanied by the Ambassador of the United States, Philip Carter III. In the UN headquarters, French and Americans are planning a top secret operation code named "Restore Peace and Democracy" (...) The aim of the operation is to help Ouattara militarily to eject Laurent Gbagbo from his chair Presidential. January 20, 2011, the first sound of boots echoing in Ivory Coast. Moreover, according to La Lettre du Continent, UNOCI built a large platform and military logistics. Daily flights between rotations perform Entebbe, Uganda, based UN operations in Africa, and the rebel capital of Guillaume Soro. (...) Large troop movements are taking place in Bouaké, the Licorne force is back in this city. French instructors are also present in the stronghold of the rebels. President Ouattara does not hide these military preparations (...) implicitly Ouattara recognizes that he  violates the arms embargo. And the UN, in Bouake present, can not ignore it! "Michel Gueu and a French officer present in the West during the massacres
Leslie Varenne reveals that many young Ivorians from the north have refused to join in the battle of Abidjan. And explains why the army of "bits and pieces" formed with the support of France - General Emmanuel Beth, former head of Unicorn and ambassador of France in Burkina Faso, is mentioned by name - could only commit massacres on its way. "To be a strength, Alassane Ouattara and Guillaume Soro are therefore obliged to cast a wide net. The creation of this army is another crucial point in the history of Côte d'Ivoire. It will have incalculable consequences for the events and the future of the country. According to an Ivorian military, "those who enlisted were Malians, Senegalese, Nigerians and Burkinabe of Cote d'Ivoire" (...) The vast majority of kids are idle, others have small trades, shoemakers, tailors, etc.. The remaining 20% ​​are military or Burkinabe Senegalese loaned by their respective governments. (...) These new soldiers have something in common: they are all northerners and Muslims (...) This is the contingent of ragtag, an army of ethnicity, that France, the United States and the UN will provide assistance to resume the country to the forces of Laurent Gbagbo (...) Launching an ethnic army in the assault of an ethnic tinderbox is an act inconsistent and irresponsible. And the UN knew, the UN was present and the UN did nothing. "In this book, another sobering revelation. While it is always attributed the killings to uncontrollable Duékoué settling of scores of separate ethnic FRCI, we learn that a key man of the device of "the Republic of Golf" Ouattara's headquarters ,was indeed monitoring the situation in the West. On March 28 2011, it is, by his own account, in Bloléquin in a very short distance of Duékoué, along with the UNMIL (UN Mission in Liberia), and a lieutenant colonel in the French army the mission commander. This is the day that begins the terrible massacres that are taking place in Duekoue but also in other western cities, including Bloléquin. The key man of the Republic of the Golf, was General Michel Gueu one of Ouattara's generals.Theophilus Kouamouo

ABOBO LA GUERRE DE LESLIE VARENNE

Présidentielle 2010 en Côte d’Ivoire : la guerre postélectorale préparée avant le premier tour, par Théophile Kouamouo
Source : Le Nouveau Courrier : Dernière Mise à jour : 26/02/2012 (Auteur : Autre)
Lu : 192 fois

Le livre «Abobo la Guerre» de la journaliste française Leslie Varenne lève un coin du voile sur les préparatifs de la guerre postélectorale, bien avant les élections. Et décrit les accointances avec la France, les Etats-Unis et l’ONU, tenus pour coresponsables d’un bain de sang prévisible. La formule, que l’AFP reproduit à longueur de dépêches pour s’assurer que son postulat rentre au forceps dans toutes les têtes, est connue. La guerre postélectorale ivoirienne serait «née du refus de Laurent Gbagbo de reconnaître sa défaite à la présidentielle de novembre 2010». L’on savait déjà que les mouvements spéculatifs opérés dès juillet 2010 par Armajaro, firme proche d’Alassane Ouattara et qui avait déjà acheté en masse du cacao ivoirien avant la guerre du 19 septembre 2002, en misant selon toute évidence sur une hausse des cours liée au conflit, tendaient à prouver que cette guerre était minutieusement préparée avant le scrutin. Et aurait eu lieu de toute façon, quels que soient les résultats et les éventuels différends entre les candidats. Le livre «Abobo la Guerre – Côte d’Ivoire, terrain de jeu de la France et de l’ONU» de la journaliste française Leslie Varenne confirme magistralement cette thèse.

Leslie Varenne fait état de contacts entre la France officielle et Ibrahim Coulibaly dit «IB» avant le scrutin. «Selon ses proches, avant le premier tour de l’élection, IB a rencontré François Hurtut, l’ambassadeur de la France à Accra, au Ghana. Au menu de la discussion informelle, les projets d’IB et la possibilité d’une aide de la France» (p. 108). La journaliste avait écrit, quelques pages avant (p. 97) : «Je connaîtrais plus tard l’histoire de ce groupe qui combat sous le sigle de Commando invisible, en rencontrant certains de ses éléments. Comme les barons du parti du président Bédié, ce commando était convaincu que l’élection tournerait mal. Avant le premier tour, il a réussi à faire entrer dans Anyama deux caisses de petites kalachnikov, 500 treillis et quelques appareils de communication radio. Le matériel était bien caché, mais Philippe Mangou a eu vent de l’affaire (…) Plusieurs membres de ce groupe ont constitué de petites équipes disséminées dans certains quartiers d’Abidjan ; c’est à Abobo qu’ils sont le plus nombreux». Leslie Varenne évoque des connexions, avant le second tour du scrutin, entre IB et des dignitaires du PDCI, persuadés qu’il faut un bain de sang pour dresser les alliés internationaux du RHDP contre Gbagbo…
La France et l’ONUCI, impliquées dans l’attaque de l’émetteur d’Abobo et d’Anonkoua Kouté
Leslie Varenne explique que la France était impliquée dans l’opération de destruction de l’émetteur de la RTI à Abobo, au cours de laquelle des civils ont été brûlés vifs, et cite les noms des deux hommes chargés d’assurer la liaison entre le «Commando invisible» et le régime Ouattara. Le général Abdoulaye Coulibaly et le colonel Adama Dosso, assassiné le 12 mars 2011 (p.100). Des révélations qui mettent à mal la thèse de l’indépendance tactique du «commando invisible», laquelle thèse est destinée à créer un bouclier d’impunité autour d’Alassane Ouattara. Les compagnons d’IB vont jusqu’à affirmer que l’ONUCI a couvert l’attaque du village d’Anonkoua Kouté, même s’ils se couvrent en présentant comme des combats ce qui n’était rien d’autre qu’une virée meurtrière nocturne visant à obliger les Ebrié à quitter leurs villages…
Le livre «Abobo la Guerre» est impitoyable pour la France, les Etats-Unis et l’ONU. Et montre que l’option guerrière a été très vite choisie par les grandes puissances pour imposer Ouattara, en dépit des négociations de façade. «Selon plusieurs sources au sein de l’Onuci, entre la fin du mois de décembre 2010 et le début de janvier 2011, une cinquantaine d’instructeurs français et un général américain se sont réunis à l’hôtel Sebroko. Le général arrive dans une grosse berline aux vitres teintées, ornée du drapeau américain, accompagné de l’ambassadeur des Etats-Unis, Philip Carter III. Dans le QG de l’ONU, Français et Américains planifient une opération top secret portant le nom de code «Restore Peace and Democracy» (…) Le but de l’opération est d’aider Alassane Ouattara à éjecter militairement Laurent Gbagbo de son fauteuil présidentiel. Le 20 janvier 2011, les premiers bruits de bottes résonnent en Côte d’Ivoire. Par ailleurs, selon La Lettre du Continent, l’Onuci construit une grande plate-forme logistique et militaire. Des vols quotidiens effectuent des rotations entre Entebbe, en Ouganda, base des opérations de l’Onu en Afrique, et la capitale des rebelles de Guillaume Soro. (…) De vastes mouvements de troupes s’opèrent à Bouaké, la force Licorne est de retour dans cette ville. Des instructeurs français sont également présents dans le fief des rebelles. Le président Ouattara ne cache pas ces préparatifs militaires (…) Alassane Ouattara reconnaît implicitement violer l’embargo sur les armes. Et l’ONU, présente à Bouaké, ne peut l’ignorer !»
Michel Gueu et un officier français présents à l’Ouest durant la période des massacres

Leslie Varenne révèle que de nombreux jeunes Ivoiriens du Nord ont refusé de s’enrôler dans le cadre de la bataille d’Abidjan. Et explique pourquoi l’armée de «bric et de broc» formée avec le soutien de la France – le général Emmanuel Beth, ancien patron de Licorne et ambassadeur de la France au Burkina Faso, est nommément cité – ne pouvait que commettre des massacres sur son chemin. «Pour se constituer une force, Alassane Ouattara et Guillaume Soro sont donc obligés de ratisser large. La création de cette armée est un autre point crucial de l’histoire de la Côte d’Ivoire. Elle aura des conséquences incalculables sur la suite des événements et sur l’avenir du pays. Selon un militaire ivoirien, «ceux qui se sont enrôlés sont des Maliens, des Sénégalais, des Nigérians et des Burkinabés de Côte d’Ivoire» (…) La grande majorité sont des gamins désoeuvrés, d’autres ont des petits métiers, cordonniers, tailleurs, etc. Les 20% restants sont des militaires burkinabés ou sénégalais prêtés par leurs gouvernements respectifs. (…) Ces nouveaux soldats ont un point commun : ils sont tous nordistes et musulmans (…) C’est à ce contingent de bric et de broc, à une armée ethnique, que la France, les Etats-Unis et l’ONU vont apporter leur concours pour reprendre le pays aux forces de Laurent Gbagbo (…) Lancer une armée ethnique à l’assaut d’une poudrière ethnique est un acte inconséquent et irresponsable. Et l’ONU savait, l’ONU était présente et l’ONU n’a rien fait».
Dans ce livre, une autre révélation fait réfléchir. Alors que l’on attribue toujours les massacres de Duékoué à d’incontrôlables règlements de comptes ethniques à dissocier des FRCI, nous apprenons qu’un homme-clé du dispositif de «la République du Golf» contrôlait bel et bien la situation à l’Ouest. Le 28 mars 2011, il est, selon ses propres dires, à Bloléquin, à une très courte distance de Duékoué, en compagnie de la Minul (Mission des Nations unies au Liberia), et d’un lieutenant-colonel de l’armée française commandant la mission. C’est le lendemain que débutent les massacres épouvantables qui ont lieu à Duékoué mais également dans d’autres villes de l’Ouest, dont Bloléquin. Cet homme-clé de la République du Golf, c’est le général Michel Gueu.
Théophile Kouamouo

OUATTARA'S LIES TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

http://www.newdemocratnews.com/index.php/component/content/article/44-the-executive/1130-for-war-to-ivory-coast

http://africatv1.com/Dawala/?p=3800

THE FIRST CASUALITY OF WAR IS TRUTH

A French journalist who covered the war for the post-election The Swiss daily Tribune de Geneve, and who spent time in Abobo(IvoryCoast) alongside fighters of Commando invisible ( pro-Ouattara forces), just published a book full of revelations very embarrassing for the regime of Allassane Ouattara. Especially about the dead women of Abobo.
It is a precious testimony. Published by Editions Arabian Nights, the investigative book "War Abobo - Ivory Coast: playground of France and the UN" of French journalist Leslie Varenne is sure to be thoroughly annotated by all who interested in the post-election Ivorian war - especially in its legal consequences. Indeed, Leslie Varenne has lived much of the last episode of the Ivorian conflict from the town of Abobo, the birthplace of the "Commando invisible" and which have delivered many battles. Having developed a good relationship with Ibrahim Coulibaly said "IB" and his closest lieutenants, it is sort of repository "moral testament" of the former bodyguard of the family of Alassane Ouattara, who has almost been in all conspiracies since December 24, 1999 and the fall of former president Henry Konan Bédié. She has knowledge of a land of war and mysterious men who launched the battle of Abidjan. Inevitably, she knows some of the annoying things that Ouattara-Soro camp probably wanted to hide in conducting the summary execution of IB.Leslie Varenne can not be described easily pro-Gbagbo, according to the usual method used by the regime Ouattara and its international allies to discredit the bearers of truths that bother them. In his book, it multiplies the value judgments final on the first president of the Second Republic of Ivory Coast, and often takes recoilless common places that infect much of the literature published in France on Gbagbo. It does not really investigate the post-election litigation but said, back cover, that Ouattara was "generally democratically elected." She claims that under Houphouet, it was enough to live five years on Ivorian territory to be automatically naturalized, which is not true. It is based on the confidences of former friends of Simone Gbagbo to say that it is "rich" without a word of his supposed bargains.But the interest of the book of French journalist, correspondent for La Tribune de Genève in Abidjan during the months of hell, is not in the background but in the eyewitness accounts that she highlights. And which are decisive. Particularly regarding the notorious "killing of women in Abobo," which justified the adoption of resolution 1975 instrumentalized by France to conceal his official entry into the war against the State of Côte d'Ivoire behind an international text anyway misguided.<! - [If! SupportLists] -> What has happened in Abobo? Excerpts from the book Leslie Varenne.
"On March 3, two or three thousand women marched chanting" Gbagbo Out. " The event is a good fellow. (...) The gathering is held at the roundabout Anador, also called the crossroads of Banco. The procession crosses the tanks out of Abobo-commando camp to go to refuel at Agban gendarmerie camp, traveling in the opposite direction of the event Adjamé. Women target them with cuckoos of the hand in rallying. They are certain to have in front of them tanks taken from the army by the Commando invisible in battle. Suddenly, shots reached women. The procession panic, women screaming, fled to the general amazement, no one understands what happens. Officially, seven women die that day (...) I was not there that day, but when I travel to Abidjan, I have investigated this occurrence. It will take me months to understand what really happened. In this case, many issues are particularly troubling. Abibia, a walker says: "Initially, we did not want to go. Abobo was at war at that time and the march was dangerous. But Ouattara and his allies reassured us, they told us that Fongnons (men of Commando invisible, ed) would secure the demonstrations and us, that to have total confidence in them. They had told us also that UNOCI would be there. That's why we went there confident, dressed in tunics. We were so reassured that a woman came with her baby on her back. She died, but nobody ever mentioned the death of her child. "For its part, the Commando invisible was totally surprised by this event: he had simply not been warned by the Golf (Ouattara and his allies). When men of IB ( general of Commando invisibe) have seen women coming in, they did everything to tell them to go home. But they only managed to turn back the  women who came from PK 18 and Anyama. In addition, at the time, the roundabout Anador is not yet a territory under their control. The choice of location of the gathering is so curious. Why give the go on the road and at a time when the tanks are said to go get supplies?Eight months later, Abiba always asks: "I do not always understand why the RHDP(Ouattara's allies) chose this place." The place could be seen as strategic if women had marched to Abidjan, but the rally end of the procession was to take place outside the town hall of Abobo. Another element incomprehensible, women and tanks move in the opposite direction, so they face each other. However, women are shot in the back by machine gun bullets. According to all reports, the shots were fired from the Mobil station about four hundred yards from the roundabout Anador. The cartridge cases gathered by an invisible Commando fighters who arrived on scene after the shooting are sockets class 12.7. But Russian tanks of Laurent Gbagbo are equipped with machine guns of 14 mm. (...) The body of a woman was taken by his family, and buried the same day.Witnesses said the bodies of six other women were picked up by young men of the RDR party of Alassane Ouattara, then transported in runners (small vans, ed.) (...) Another surprising: even in these troubled times, in Abidjan, the procedure is strict, victims should have been transported to the morgue of Anyama. An autopsy should be performed and the bodies should have been returned to families. However, it has not happened. The six bodies were buried in a vacant lot, unbeknownst to their parents, who will take months to get the place of burial. Several months after the fact, the International Criminal Court (ICC) travels to the Ivory Coast and does not meet the families. However, UNOCI has interviewed the parents of victims to know their story and encouraged them to take counsel. But without the support of an organization, how these families could follow a complex procedure and pay the fees of lawyers? The Court of justice of Abidjan only signals the opening of proceedings.During my investigation, I learned that two commanders close to Guillaume Soro ( Ouattara's actual prime minister) were there that day. Were they there to protect the protesters? " Very strange and disturbing was their presence.As disturbing elements!
To summarize, after investigation, the French journalist says the RDR has somehow trapped Abobo activists by lying to them that the Commando invisible, which was not aware, and UNOCI, would protect them. Ouattara's party has purposely chosen to show his women on the road where Gbagbo's forces are said to go get supplies, and time of their passage. Ultimately, the protesters claim that the firing of guns criminals are not coming from the tanks of the Ivorian army as fighters from the field then argue that the sockets can not come from such tanks. Moreover, it is incomprehensible that the dead are affected in the back while the tanks were in front of them. What is also striking is that the RDR has chosen to prevent any examination and autopsy of the bodies of killed by withdrawing them from their families and burying them in a hurry in a vacant lot, then that the vast majority of post-electoral body of the war were still in mortuaries, despite the conflict. This deliberate attempt to prevent the expertise of the body and prevent families from seeing them curiously made to think about what happened in November 2004 with the bodies of nine French soldiers ...The revelations of Leslie Varenne in any case give a new legitimacy to the request of President Laurent Gbagbo, who applies for months an international investigation into the notorious killings of women in Abobo. Another revelation of the journalist confirms the widespread intuition that dirty tricks and schemes to manipulate international public opinion to justify a direct entry into the war of France and the United Nations. An intuition that the official story about the kidnapping of the Novotel raises weighty questions of far ...Leslie says Varenne, based on proprietary secrets, that the attacks of the Golf Hotel on April 9, loudly attributed to pro-Gbagbo forces, were self-shots ... international forces."Guys of UNOCI in camouflage"
Excerpts from the book "War Abobo" evoking April 11, after the violent transfer of Laurent Gbagbo and his family at the Hotel du Golf. "An hour after the arrival of these illustrious guests, his headquarters (the Hotel du Golf, ed) is again attacked with heavy weapons. As before, this attack does no serious injuries or major damage. Why loyal to Gbagbo bombed the place where they found their leader and his clan? Why do they take the risk of killing or hurting them? This latest attack is surprising. An official of the hotel Sebroko reveals the truth: "It's UNOCI who shot himself in the two attacks, one on April 9 and the other on April 11, against the Golf. The first time was to legitimize current operations after Gbagbo requested a cease-fire. The second was a justification for his capture and diversion. A soldier who stayed at the hotel Sebroko one month after the war confirms: "In fact these are the guys of UNOCI in camouflage who did it. Of course, the guys who defended the Gulf were not aware. ""The first casualty of war is truth," wrote Hiram Warren Johnson, U.S. senator, now deceased. It was definitely right.
 Theophilus Kouamouo

SARKOZY & OUATTARA'S CRIMES IN IVORYCOAST

http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/06/02/c-te-d-ivoire-gbagbo-supporters-tortured-killed-abidjan

EXCERPTS FROM MBEKI'S SPEECH

(i) recent events, as in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, have confirmed that the major Western powers remain interested and determined to attach Africa to themselves as their appendage, at all costs, ready to use all means to achieve this objective;

(ii) to realise this objective, these powers will exploit the universal commitment to democracy, human rights and good governance to intervene in any and all our countries to advance their interests;

(iii) these powers will intervene in our countries especially during periods of violent conflict, with no regard to the principle of the sovereignty of our states, taking advantage of the UN-approved principle of the ‘right to protect’, which they will interpret freely, to serve their interests;

(iv) unless, practically, we assume responsibility for the advancement of democracy, the protection of human rights and the realisation of the objective of good governance on our Continent, and act to guarantee peace and security, these powers will intervene in our countries in pursuit of their selfish objectives, legitimising such intervention by presenting themselves as ‘friends of Africa’, intent to give us the gift of democracy, human rights, peace, good governance and progress, regardless of our wishes;

(v) in all instances we must expect that such interventions will be supported by some native forces, our own kith and kin, which the world powers concerned will present as the genuine representatives of our peoples, without regard to the truth in this regard;

(vi) these powers will use their might to oblige the supposedly inclusive multilateral institutions to facilitate the achievement of their objectives, including through the imposition of sanctions;

(vii) they will also use the global media to demonise whomsoever they view as their enemy, and present in the best possible light whomsoever they determine is their friend; and,

(viii) where and when necessary, they will misuse especially the UN Security Council to legitimise their actions.

ACTS OF BAD GOVERNANCE

Alassane Ouattara appeared for years and especially during the election campaign, as the champion of good governance. The things he promised to the Ivorians are in vast majority of the impossible. But the main policy is to promise more than can be provided that the voters believe. " With Ado is ending the suffering of Ivorians, with Ado is the end of unemployment for young people," such were some of the phrases heard during the strong presidential campaign. Good governance and discipline? But yes! First example: The degumming of Brou Aka Pascal from his position as Director of RTI. Reason? Gross negligence. No reporting team of Rti was at the airport to report about our president returning from travel. You asked rigor?  No fault will be tolerated, said president Ouattara. Second example: Monstrous mess in organizing the 2011 Hajj pilgrimage and candidates humiliated in Abidjan. Radio silence toward the presidential palace. The Commissioner of Hajj,  Krouma Mamadou, directly responsible for this scandal as wrote "The Elephant", remained at his post. Not a single request for an explanation. You asked rigor? Here's another example! While it has forced ministers to swear in front of him they will accomplish their mission to serve the Ivorians in the most transparent, Ouattara  will remain speechless in front of another scandal: The award of the online registration of students by Kandia Camara, Minister of Education, to his fellow political party friend Mamadou Sanogo, Minister of Construction and Urban Development, under contract by mutual agreement. You talk about good governance? Another example: Seduced by Kandia Camara example, Anne Ouloto, Minister for Urban Safety, had tried to imitate her by holding a mock Restricted tender. Bottom line? The market for solid waste collection in the District of Abidjan Greensol be attributed to a fictitious company created by Bictogo which  did not even exist legally at the launch of this Tender . Is it not beautiful good governance under Ouattara? After the revelations of the press and despite the cries of Anne Ouloto, this Tender will be canceled altogether by the Regulatory Authority for procurement. What do they say to the palace? Radio Silence and Anne Ouloto is always attached to his ministry. "The Ivory Coast will astonish the world in 2012," said president Ouattara. It is true that the world is already surprised, amazed and wondered at the acts of bad governance posed by Ouattara's cabinet. Under the watchful yet impotent champion of good governance.