Côte d’Ivoire ( Ivory Coast ) :-----Ouattara is a tyrant out of caricature, a throwback to the African strongmen of the 1970s. He has boasted and reminded his Muslim followers that he is the first of the kind to rule Ivory Coast. " Did you know that this is the first time a Muslim happens to be the head of Ivory Coast?" he said arrogantly to his die-hard militants.  He has adopted a ridiculous string of titles: “His Excellency ADO, Doctor Untouchable and Indéboulonnable (ever-present) ADO. He has deployed demagoguery against anyone who speaks out against his repressive regime, fanning popular hatred of political dissidents, whom he has arrested and imprisoned. He has massacred protesters and disappeared political opponents. Through his feared intelligence service (DST) , he exercises crushing power over every aspect of the Ivorian’s politics and economy.
Ouattara has ruled Ivory Coast with an iron fist since seizing power in a bloody civil war in 2011. He is regularly accused of serious rights abuses. The human rights situation in the nation of 23 million people had deteriorated sharply over the past three years. A severe backlash following a convention of President Gbagbo's party, Ivorian Popular Front ( FPI ) in Gbagbo's village ( MAMA ) and a popular youth protest last month, has seen a spike in the numbers of arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances.
Amadou Soumahoro, head of Ouattara's political party ( RDR ) had threatened journalists and opposition activists on several occasions that  "whoever criticizes the policy of Ouattara is flirting with death.  After Allah ( God ), it is Ouattara." 
The decor is well planted. We are no longer dealing with a sovereign country but rather a divine kingdom on earth. Human laws and rules do not apply here, in Ivory Coast. There is a new God on Earth and his name is Alassane Dramane Ouattara.


But the diaspora has rallied to the defence of its “truly courageous and patriotic sons”, as one crowdfunding campaign called them – organising events like a protest in front of the Justice Department in Washington against the “tyrant appeasing charges”.

 Konaté Sidiki ( RDR ): Mission catholique de Duékoué au cours d’une visite aux déplacés du site. 

«Les Wê sont toujours prêts à jouer les Zorro. Vous avez vu à Gagnoa chez Laurent Gbagbo ? Est-ce que vous avez entendu parler de massacres ? Quand nos hommes sont arrivés là-bas, il n’y a pas eu d’opposition et ils ont continué leur route.»

Lin Songtian (Diplomate Chinois)

« Depuis le milieu du siècle dernier, les pays africains ont accédé, l’un après l’autre, à leur indépendance et commencé à développer leur économie par voie de coopérationinternationale. Cependant, il est regrettable que certains pays donateurs ne veuillent partager avec les africains que ‘‘leurs poissons’’, tels que le soutien financier et l’aide alimentaire, au lieu de leur donner ‘‘le savoir-faire du pêcheur’’ comprenant le transfert de technologie, la construction des infrastructures et la capacité de développement autonome. Sans l’indépendance économique, l’indépendance politique est loin d’être réalisée. ‘‘Les poissons’’ ne font que sauver temporairement la situation, alors que ‘‘le savoir-faire du pêcheur’’ permet à l’Afrique de mettre en place son propre système industriel dans la réalisation du développement autonome et durable, et de changer la situation défavorable où elle exporte ses matières premières à bas prix en important les produits manufacturiers à prix élevé, afin de maîtriser son propre destin »

Ivory Coast: Alassane D. Ouattara misses his new appointment with democracy

Regional elections coupled already postponed, just held the most indescribable manner. Unpreparedness, low participation, confusion ... and, of course, in the end, violent clashes in several cities. A KO announced the ruling party of President Allassane Ouattara, the RDR, and chaos found in the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire which it did not need .




The RDR is the maschmallow of Ivorian politics. No consistency, artificial flavor.

"Ivory Coast, North to South, East to West, is immersed in the clamor and the cheers of joy and happiness." Ouattara added: "We must demonstrate that we are ready for 2015, making the regional and municipal elections, a Republican and popular success." Missed.

President's party reports, instead of victory, "the post-election violence" in cities across the country, adding that "the army quadrille Abidjan." These elections have not been "a Republican and popular success." What would be "republican and popular" (and beneficial for RDR) is that President Ouattara go elsewhere express his political incompetence. But as a friend told me: "If you're in the middle of toads squatting, do not ask a chair."

Regional stage should be "rally and unity for building a peaceful Ivory Coast, reconciled and prosperous" predicted Ouattara. The FPI boycotted the election, he remained on the political scene as the RDR and PDCI-RDA and "independent" sometimes manipulated by Soumahoro. The two parties came together in the second round of presidential elections in 2010, to win (barely) Ouattara. A particularly deadly post-election crisis (already) and two years in power were right without this alliance, so far, can express a viable opposition. Result of "political consensus" denounced by Thatcher. Expressing gourmet given: "We do not have much" eaten "for ten years, we at the same time, more appetite than usual." But everyone knows that the "grottos" Ivorians are not anorexic!

The bet Ouattara is: ignore politics (he hates his "bad atmosphere") economic stimulus (which he thinks he knows how). At the same time, "people saw their living conditions improved [are] heavily renew their confidence in President" (prognosis Soumahoro / maschmallow April 4, 2013). Except that it does not work like that. And Alain Toussaint, the communicating of the REIT can evoke a "crossing of the electoral wilderness." "The Ivorians, he said, as a whole, have expressed disinterest in local elections, Alassane Ouattara has been unable to collect the Ivorians."

We may not share the commitment of Toussaint Alain, we can only share his diagnosis. "Even without opposition pro-Gbagbo, who has decided to boycott the elections, says on its website Jeune Afrique, Côte d'Ivoire can obviously not hold an election without violence are triggered [...] These numerous incident essentially put involved RDR supporters of President Alassane Ouattara and the PDCI of former head of state Bédié. "

The pro-Gbagbo press, of course, to their heart's content. But a few days after the head of state has decided to skip a National Assembly where the majority RDR is yet to rule by decree, the (double) election fiasco (failure of government failure RDR +) announcement tomorrow difficult to Ouattara. It's time to regroup and realize that the Ivory Coast in 2013 is not the year of "Houphouet".

Nobody has an interest in the country returns to a political crisis of magnitude. "We want to create reproached apartheid, separate development and a privileged few second-class status for the masses" they said Thatcher in 1968 which eventually impose its "belief" rather than negotiation. This is called Ouattara in 2013. It is urgent, Côte d'Ivoire, to rethink the mode of political production. If indeed there is one.

Jean-Pierre BEJOT
The Diplomatic Dispatch

OUATTARA TRICKS THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

OUATTARA IS MISLEADING THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
 IvoryCoast is falling apart under the regime of Allassane Ouattara. But, instead of courageously confronting the realities, Ouattara regime revels in unhealthy propaganda designed to deceive the international community which propelled him to power. Official speeches are riddled with false admirers and indicators suggesting that the country is back on track. In economic terms, Ouattara and his cabinet brandishing the double-digit growth, even as people of IvoryCoast are starving because the cost of living has reached unbearable proportions. At the social level, the indicators are also red. Insecurity fueled by gangs which are former pro-Ouattara fighters, and unemployment have reached alarming proportions. Justice does not inspire confidence. All pro-Ouattara fighters accused of crimes against humanity are in charge of the security. Ouattara has promoted commanders who were in command when atrocities took place during the post-election in the town of Duekoue and the october 6, 2002 massacre of 86 civilians in the town of Bouake.

At the political level, the situation is equally dire. The dictatorship regime has enlisted all freedoms. The activities of the main political party ( FPI ) are prohibited under the penalty of savage repression. When a political leader toured to talk to his supporters, he is kidnapped on the road and sent to prison. Laurent Akoun is a victim. Alphonse Douati is still languishing in prison  without being heard by a judge. Laurent Akoun and Alphonse Douaty are incarcerated for speaking out against President Ouattara bad governance and his policy of burning the opposition newspapers headquarters. In a word  the country is on its knees. But faced with this sad picture adequately described by the specialists, Ouattara and his government want to make believe that all is well. Ouattara regime chose to outwit the international community. The goal is to hide the truth in order to keep power for long.

Source: Ivorian Consumer Group

President Ouattara's camp recently accused of crimes against humanity by Amnesty International, decided to react.
We advise the lawyers for various human rights groups, to sue  the United Nations Security Council  which ordered strikes against former President Gbagbo's military headquarters; also sue the french troops which acted as a support force to UN which ordered the neutralization of pro-Gbagbo forces and sue the African Union that entered the Security Council of the UN for the purpose to intervene militarily in IvoryCoast "

Thus, in case the International Tribunal decided to open an investigation following a complaint lawyers Michel Gbagbo, Soro, who was Prime Minister and Minister of Defense during the post-election crisis, advises complainants to lodge a complaint against the Ivorian government, France, ECOWAS, the African Union and the Security Council of the UN

GUILLAUME SORO, PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTER OF DEFENSE OF PRESIDENT ALLASSANE OUATTARA DURING THE POST-ELECTION CRISIS IN IVORYCOAST, DECIDED TO REACT TO THE RECENT HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS ALLEGATIONS AGAINST PRESIDENT OUATTARA'S REGIME: " I ADVISE VICTIMS OF THE POST-ELECTION CRISIS IN NOVEMBER 2010 , TO LODGE COMPLAINTS AGAINST UNITED NATIONS COUNCIL WHICH ORDERED STRIKES AGAINST FORMER PRESIDENT GBAGBO'S CAMP AND ALSO FRANCE WHICH PROVIDED TROOPS AND HELICOPTERS FOR THE PURPOSE TO INTERVENE MILITARILY IN IVORYCOAST".

Pendant deux jours, 2 500 personnes se sont réunies à Abidjan. Elles n'avaient qu'un mot à la bouche : le retour de Laurent Gbagbo. L'ancien président ivoirien, emprisonné à La Haye depuis deux ans, est poursuivi pour crime contre l'humanité par la Cour pénale internationale (CPI).ils interpellent le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies pour qu’il prenne une résolution demandant à la Cour pénale internationale de libérer immédiatement Laurent Gbagbo.

Four years after the civil war ended in Ivory Coast the economy is booming, but for men like Yaboua Assie, who lost two young daughters in one of the conflict's most notorious massacres, the justice they seek remains as elusive as ever.

The killings took place in a grassy lot behind the government offices in the small town of Blolequin, an event Assie relives almost nightly in his dreams.

"When I close my eyes, I'm here in this courtyard," he says, gazing around the walled compound, which was meant to be a refuge for those fleeing the 2011 war.

He stands at the edge of a rectangular depression that until recently was a mass grave containing the remains of 45 massacred civilians. Two were his daughters: one 12, the other six months old.

Four years later, with Ouattara in power, the quest for justice has lagged behind, hampered by lack of government support, rights groups say.

Gbagbo was extradited to the International Criminal Court in The Hague charged with crimes against humanity. His top political and military supporters were jailed. Dozens, including his wife Simone, were convicted in Ivory Coast this year.

By contrast, Ouattara's military backers have received top posts in the army, despite allegations they too were responsible for thousands of civilian massacres.

Last week, rights groups revealed that around 20 former pro-Ouattara rebels serving in the army had finally been indicted for alleged crimes committed during the crisis.

But the families of many victims have little faith that those who did the killing will pay for their crimes.

A POINTLESS SPECTACLE?

"The slow judicial process and dubious impartiality cast a shadow on reconciliation and mid- and long-term stability prospects," said Gilles Yabi, an analyst and founder of the West Africa-focused think tank Wathi.

Julien Kpahi last saw his brother loaded into an army truck early one morning in 2012 after an attack on a camp for war-displaced civilians outside the town of Duekoue.

Witness accounts implicated government soldiers and pro-Ouattara traditional Dozo hunters in the raid, which took place a year after Gbagbo fell. The government has never acknowledged any role in the violence.

Months later, a survivor led Kpahi to a well where he said his brother's body had been thrown. Under pressure from human rights groups, authorities opened an investigation, removed six bodies from the well and brought them to Abidjan for autopsy.

Kpahi has heard nothing since. Three years later, his brother's remains have yet to be returned.

"I have no hope it will lead to anything," said Kpahi, who was recently prevented from visiting the well by U.N. peacekeepers. "For me, it's pointless ... It's a spectacle."

FIRST STEP

For Human Rights Watch researcher Jim Wormington, this month's indictments of pro-Ouattara commanders were a promising sign but only a first step. Among those formally accused are Lieutenant Colonel Cherif Ousmane, the deputy head of Ouattara's presidential guard, and Lieutenant Colonel Losseni Fofana, another senior commander.

In Duekoue's Carrefour neighborhood, there are plenty who doubt this will happen. On March 28, 2011, hundreds of people were killed in an area predominantly inhabited by Gueres, an ethnic group seen as among Gbagbo's staunchest supporters.

Here, no amount of economic progress will convince the war's victims to turn the page. And residents like Georges Doue, 51, who lost seven members of his family in the massacre, have little faith the government will investigate the killings.

"There's no trust," he said.