COTE D'IVOIRE: PORTRAIT

ABIDJAN — Sitting in the crowd, glued to a wide-screen television at the open-air BMW X5 "maquis" restaurant in Abidjan, felt a lot like old times. Côte d’Ivoire’s national soccer team, the highest-ranked in Africa, was doing just about enough to hold off Senegal and qualify for next year’s soccer World Cup finals in Brazil.

As ever, superstar Didier Drogba dived and writhed to good purpose, attracting indulgent murmurs from the mainly male customers. Young men served cold beers and young women hurried back and forth to the oil-drum grills in the narrow side-street, bearing plastic plates of grilled chicken and fish with "aloco", the oily fried plantain which no visitor to Abidjan should miss.

"Life is gradually getting back to normal," lawyer Drissa Traore, who represents the Paris-based International Federation for Human Rights, said. His work brings him into daily contact with the legacy of the country’s abnormal recent past, including the incarceration of former president Laurent Gbagbo in The Hague, where International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutors want to try him for crimes against humanity.

Côte d’Ivoire was a pretty unique place for the first four decades after independence from France in 1960. No coups d’état, no civil wars, no glaring political upheavals, unlike every other country in West Africa bar Senegal.

A military putsch in 1999 came out of the blue but heralded a disastrous decade of pent-up anger and conflict when everything bad that Côte d’Ivoire had avoided seemed to befall it in one compressed burst — ethnic war, village massacres, rapes, internal migration and enforced exile, north-south partition, factory closures and business collapses.

Yet only two years after the conflict was declared over, visitors to Abidjan would be shocked to hear of the recent calamities if they failed to do any homework. The city appears to be moving on with its life, the university has reopened and major infrastructure projects are back on track, more needed than ever because Abidjan’s population has grown to around 4-million.

Foreign support for President Alassane Ouattara, a former number two at the International Monetary Fund in Washington, is pronounced, with France leading the way. A recent news bulletin on Ivorian state television had reports on the visiting head of the French co-operation agency signing loans worth €630m over the next three years and a second one about French police instructors training the local force’s crack antiterrorism units.

The sense of déjà vu was intense, taking some viewers back to the days when Côte d’Ivoire was France’s most successful and unapologetic neocolony. It was also the world’s biggest cocoa producer and third-biggest coffee producer.

Indeed, the economy built by late president Félix Houphouët-Boigny and successive French governments from 1960 until his death in 1993 was so solid that most of it survived the conflict and paralysis of the 2000s. It grew by 9.5% in 2012 and will continue growing almost as quickly unless rancorous politics intervene.

Mr Ouattara, a 71-year-old Muslim, is using his connections to the hilt to attract foreign investment and has helped to convince the African Development Bank to commit to return to its historic headquarters in Abidjan by the end of the year after 11 years in a temporary shelter in Tunis. He travels so much that his local nickname is "Magellan" after the Portuguese explorer.

France is set to remain the key investor but SA-UK miner Randgold Resources, which owns and operates the country’s biggest gold mine at Tongon, is upbeat, saying Côte d’Ivoire could become one of Africa’s top exploration destinations.

"The Ivorian government should ensure that its mining code, currently under review, remains investor-friendly and that it acts as a partner to the mining companies in the creation of long-term economic value to benefit all stakeholders," the company said in October.

South African ambassador Vusi Sindane says things are picking up but two-way trade is still low. He compared it with SA’s trade with neighbouring Ghana, cemented by a host of bilateral agreements and a recent visit by President Jacob Zuma. "We want to lift Côte d’Ivoire to that point," Mr Sindane said.

The background to most conversations in Abidjan is security — for example, a South African embassy driver was shot dead last year. A United Nations peacekeeping force is still deployed in the country and France keeps a small force garrisoned near the international airport. Although the army, gendarmerie and police are being gradually restructured, the victorious former rebels are seen as the main threat to real peace. Thousands are armed and will not be recruited into the new security forces.

They are theoretically loyal to Mr Ouattara, but their allegiances are closer to National Assembly president (speaker) Guillaume Soro, and principally to their own commanders, known as "comzones". The former rebels’ roadblocks around the country and their presence in barracks in Abidjan are a daily reminder that Côte d’Ivoire has a way to go.

To add to the uncertainty, the country of 20-million is supposed to conduct elections in October 2015. Despite his advancing age, Mr Ouattara is expected to stand and may head a coalition with the oncedominant independence party the Democratic Party of Côte d’Ivoire.

Mr Gbagbo’s party, the Ivorian Popular Front, has boycotted elections since he lost the civil war and was transferred by the ICC, in November 2011, to Scheveningen prison in Holland.

It is uncertain whether the court’s judges will decide there is a strong case for him to answer. The longer he remains in custody without trial, the better his case for bail and for blunt political interference, promoting the view that "reconciliation" will be served if the charges are dropped.

The Ivorian government has declined to extradite Mr Gbagbo’s wife, Simone, and his party’s one-time youth leader, Charles Ble Goude, to the ICC. The government says the judicial system is now able to conduct the trials at home. Mr Ble Goude, who also faces charges of crimes against humanity, was a guest of Julius Malema in SA when the latter headed the African National Congress Youth League during the government of Thabo Mbeki.

The ICC has failed to arrest former rebels, although they had committed ethnic massacres in pro-Gbagbo areas during the war. Hundreds of military and civilian Gbagbo supporters remain in exile in West African countries and at least 800 are in Ivorian prisons or detention centres where most have been tortured, Amnesty International says.

Business Day newspaper 

Bilan Ouattara

Nathalie Yamb: Le bilan de Ouattara ? Beaucoup de bruit pour rien 

Participant au Grand débat du quotidien Nord-Sud, Nathalie Yamb, Conseillère exécutive du Président de LIDER, donne le point de vue de son parti sur le bilan de gouvernance Ouattara.

Nathalie Yamb: Les trois ans de M. Ouattara à la tête de l’Etat sont à l’image de ce à quoi l’on pouvait s’attendre au vu de sa gestion du pays dans les années 90 : corruption, répression, tensions sociales, malaise des populations. Ayant refusé de déclarer son patrimoine dès son accession au pouvoir comme le requiert pourtant la Constitution , M. Ouattara a lui-même donné le coup d’envoi au regain de corruption qui a causé la dégringolade de 6 places de la Côte d’Ivoire dans le classement mondial de référence en la matière. La passation de marchés de gré à gré à la famille et aux amis du Dr Ouattara et des caciques du régime a atteint des sommets jamais vus auparavant dans le pays. La Rti , pour laquelle nous payons tous une redevance, demeure plus que jamais prise en otage par le président de la République et son clan. Le coût de la vie a explosé, les populations sont devenues encore plus pauvres. L’impunité est célébrée, les bourreaux encouragés. Les enquêtes se suivent et n’aboutissent nulle part. La commission nationale d’enquête a rendu ses conclusions indexant les 2 camps dans les violences postélectorales. Résultat : rien. La surfacturation de plus de 130 milliards de fcfa des travaux de réfection des universités ? Rien. La bousculade mortelle du 1er janvier 2013, dont les responsabilités remontaient jusqu’au sommet de l’Etat ? Rien. Le massacre de Nahibly commis par les Dozos et des jeunes pro-Ouattara ? Rien.
Nous avons rarement observé un régime aussi réfractaire à la démocratie. Les opposants, sans statut légal, sont spoliés, brimés, jetés en prison, libérés sans procès selon les desideratas du prince, entérinant ainsi le constat d’une justice aux ordres, instrument de vengeance et de revanche. Nous terminons l’année 2013 avec des dizaines de milliers de personnes maintenues en exil dans des camps à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de nos frontières, preuve désolante de l’échec de la réconciliation dont M. Ouattara sait si bien parler quand les caméras de télévision sont braquées vers lui, mais sans jamais avoir réellement envisagé de poser les actes nécessaires à sa réalisation.

Le président focalise tout son mandat autour de la réalisation de quelques infrastructures, prévues de longue date et mises en veilleuse du fait de la rébellion qui l’a porté au pouvoir au bout d’une décennie de crise. C’est bien, mais à quoi sert-il de construire des ponts et des routes à péage, si l’on n’améliore pas l’environnement des affaires pour permettre aux usagers de payer les frais liés à l’utilisation desdites infrastructures ?

En 1599, William Shakespeare a écrit une pièce intitulée : «Much Ado about nothing», ce qui signifie littéralement «Beaucoup de bruit pour rien». Je trouve que cela est très représentatif du bilan d’Alassane Dramane Ouattara.

LUXURY CARS IN IVORYCOAST

Porsches, Range Rovers and even Maseratis... luxury cars are no strange sight weaving through the old bangers that rumble along Abidjan's chaotic streets, another indication of the emergence of a wealthy class in Africa.

Each of the vehicles costs at least tens of thousands of euros, representing decades of work for an Ivorian earning the minimum wage, even after it was recently hiked 60 percent to 60,000 CFA francs (around 90 euros, $125) a month.

Yet in wealthy Abidjan neighbourhoods the streets are jammed with more luxury autos than in rich quarters of European capitals.

THE CHURCH CALLED UPON OUATTARA TO END IMPUNITY

Côte d'Ivoire, our dear country is enslaved to lies, violence and crimes (...). The 2002 rebellion masterminded by President Ouattara and his current commanders , left  Côte d'Ivoire with an innumerable victims. Curiously (...), those responsible for these heinous crimes, believe and claim that they were serving Côte d'Ivoire. Innocent people of the main opposition party ( FPI) whose rights are violated , are convicted and held in detention centers. Some of our young people proudly claim the status of pro- Ouattara ex-combatants in order to be rewarded. And in this troubled situation, the resources of our country are delivered to european predators. Our motherland, humiliated and bruised, is treated as a prostitute. Yes, Côte d'Ivoire is treated against it's will, as a peripatetic. "

HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN IVORYCOAST

UNITED NATIONS, Dec. 6 (UPI) -- The United Nations Friday called for an investigation into human rights violations perpetrated for years in Ivory Coast by traditional hunters known as Dozos who backed current President Ouattara in the disputed November 2010 election which erupted into a brief civil war..

The United Nations issued a report Friday saying its investigators have documented hundreds of "extrajudicial killings and summary executions, illegal arrest and detentions" committed by Dozos in the process of carrying out security duties for the Ivory Coast government.

Investigations concluded at least 228 people were killed, 164 were wounded in shootings or stabbings and 162 were "arbitrarily arrested and illegally detained by Dozos".

"In addition, 274 cases of looting, arson and extortion committed by the Dozos have been confirmed," a U.N. news release said.

U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay said Dozos "involved in the perpetration of human rights violations must be held accountable."

Pillay said Ivory Coast authorities "have the duty to deploy appropriate security forces throughout the country to prevent the population from using Dozos on security issues. Impunity granted to Dozos in [Ivory Coast] by the government of President Ouattara is unacceptable and must be stopped."

OUATTARA ENCORE ACCULE PAR L'ONU

Au moins 228 personnes ont été tuées en Côte d’Ivoire par les chasseurs traditionnels (Dozos) entre mars 2009 et mai 2013, révèle un rapport des Nations Unies qui demande que des investigations soient menées concernant ces graves violations de droits de l’homme.

Le rapport, publié vendredi par l'Opération des Nations Unies en Côte d'Ivoire (ONUCI) en coopération avec le Haut-Commissariat des Nations Unies aux droits de l'homme (HCDH), documente de sérieuses violations de droits de l'homme commises par des Dozos dans des activités de sécurité. 

« Ces violations comprennent des atteintes au droit à la vie, y compris des meurtres, des exécutions sommaires, des arrestations et détentions illégales, des actes de pillage et d'extorsion », indique une note d'information de l'ONUCI transmise à APA.

Selon la même source, « les investigations menées par la Division des droits de l'homme de l'ONUCI ont conclu qu'au moins 228 personnes ont été tuées, 164 autres blessées par balles ou à l'arme blanche ; et 162 personnes arrêtées et détenues illégalement par des Dozos entre mars 2009 et mai 2013 ». 

De plus, 274 cas de pillage, d'incendie et d'extorsion de fonds commis par des Dozos ont été vérifiés et confirmés, notamment dans les régions de Gbôklé, Haut-Sassandra, Gôh, Cavally, Guemon, Tonkpi, Marahoué, Nawa, Indenie-Djuablin, Poro et Moronou.

« Les Dozos impliqués dans des violations de droits de l'homme doivent être tenus responsables de leurs actes», a déclaré la Haut-Commissaire des Nations Unies aux droits de l'homme, Navi Pillay. 

« Les autorités ont le devoir de mener de sérieuses investigations sur les violations de droits de l'homme commises par des Dozos en Côte d'Ivoire, trainer les auteurs en justice et accorder les réparations nécessaires aux victimes. Les autorités de l'Etat de Côte d'Ivoire ont la responsabilité de déployer les forces de sécurité nécessaire à travers le pays pour empêcher à la population de recourir aux Dozos dans des problèmes de sécurité. L'impunité dont jouissent les Dozos en Côte d'Ivoire est inacceptable et doit être arrêtée », a-t-elle déclaré.

L'Expert Indépendant sur la situation des droits de l'homme en Côte d'Ivoire, Doudou Diène, et des ONGs ont déjà formulé de nombreuses recommandations demandant au Gouvernement de prendre des mesures pour résoudre le problème des Dozos qui continuent de mettre en danger la population.

« Je salue les efforts en cours du Gouvernement en vue d'assurer la présence de forces de sécurité professionnelles à travers tout le pays. Ces efforts sont cruciaux dans le rétablissement de l'Etat de droit et peuvent empêcher que les Dozos n'entreprennent des responsabilités sécuritaires », a déclaré la Représentante Spéciale du Secrétaire General des Nations Unies, Aïchatou Mindaoudou.

« L'ONU continue d'offrir son support aux autorités ivoiriennes dans l'avancement des réformes du secteur de la sécurité. Toutefois, il est nécessaire que le Gouvernement enquête sur les violations des droits de l'homme commises par les Dozos, dans l'intérêt du droit des victimes à la vérité, à la justice et à la réparation », a-t-elle conclu.

An Alarming Trend in Cote d’Ivoire: Death Squads on Mission to Silence Journalists

One journalist gunned down in front of his family members, another one kidnapped at his home: such are the latest deeds of the nocturnal DEATH SQUAD of Cote d’Ivoire’s dictatorial regime. The Kalashnikov-wielding, tribalistic organization that seized political power in a reign of terror in April 2011 in Cote d’Ivoire cannot stand being criticized for its flawed politics. Amadou Soumahoro, the leader of the RDR (the party in power) had unequivocally warned journalists and opposition actors on several occasions that whoever criticizes the policy of the regime is flirting with death. The regime has once again confirmed Soumahoro’s doctrine by unleashing its DEATH SQUAD.

When on November 17 gatecrashers identified by witnesses as wearing the official uniforms of the regime’s military forces (FRCI), lodged a bullet into the chest of Désiré Oué (40), chief editor of Tomorrow Magazine, before fleeing with his computer and some important documents, the dictatorial regime’s communication minister, Ms. Affoussy Bamba, was quick to conclude that Oué was the victim of a break-in gone wrong. Ms. Bamba’s affirmation, which was supported by no serious investigation, was a precipitous attempt to curb the ire that followed justifications of the murder by a paper close to the regime as a well-deserved punishment for a former militiaman of Previous administration. For the journalist’s wife and colleagues, Oué was targeted for his articles against Ouattara’s dictatorship.  

Oue’s assassination follows a series of intimidation of journalists by the regime and destruction of opposition papers’ headquarters by the regime’s militias. There is a sense in the country that since Ouattara’s bloody seizure of power, license has been given to his DEATH SQUAD to silence any political dissent. The Death Squad goes door to door in the middle of night and simply assassinates individuals or whole families on the basis of ideological differences. “Nights have become violent nowadays,” whispers Martine (name has been changed) as she speaks to us on the phone, with her air conditioning running full blast in the background to cover our conversation. “You never know whether you’ll be alive in the morning,” she adds. “Neighbors report on neighbors, and if you are known to have campaigned for Gbagbo (previous president) or to have simply applauded one of his campaign speeches, you can be sure that Ouattara’s Death Squad will visit you some night.” The fear in Martine’s voice is unambiguous. And she is right to be frightened. The massacres committed by Ouattara’s Death Squad are just gruesome. What is more frightening is that they carry an obvious air of ethnic and religious cleansing, as mainly Christians and Southern populations are targeted.